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19 April 2017

Sex Ed by Roger Corman and the Bible

There is a storefront church in the community where I work that is infamous for the messages it posts daily on a large outdoor changeable letter sign. Previous messages have included:

  • Not ML King but Jesus Christ![1]
  • Abortion doctors are cold-blooded murderers!
  • Gays and lesbians are disgraces to humanity! Leviticus 20:13[2]
  • Beauty and the Beast teaches bestiality!
  • Public school is child abuse by the state!
  • Bikinis on the beaches is [sic] worse than oil!
  • Replace the Constitution with the Ten Commandments!
The current message is, "Lesbianism is raw depravity! Leviticus 20:13 [updated 4/26/17] Romans 1:26-28 [3]." The "raw depravity" part strikes me more as a tagline for a women-in-prison exploitation film, like Caged Heat, than a biblical injunction. I don't think this is an accident. Sexuality in general, but certainly same-sex sexuality, understood through the heteronormative adolescent male perspective is something that is risky, dangerous, and difficult to restrain. It looks a lot like the B-movies that I grew up watching surreptitiously, late at night on USA's Up All Night. If one emerges from adolescence without reconciling these problematic notions of sexuality, he might find some of the fundamentalist ideas like those espoused by this church appealing.

--
[1] The rhetoric around race in many of the messages are doubly interesting since the leader of the church, Robert T. Lee, is himself black.

[2] Leviticus 20:13 - If a man lies with a male as with a woman, both of them have committed an abomination; they shall be put to death; their blood is upon them.

[3] Romans 1:26-28 - For this reason, God gave them up to degrading passions. Their women exchanged natural intercourse for unnatural, and in the same way also the men, giving up natural intercourse with women, were consumed with passion for one another. Men committed shameless acts with men and received in their own persons the due penalty for their error. And since they did not see fit to acknowledge God, God gave them up to a debased mind and to things that should not be done.

02 March 2017

Me Email Pretty to Reporter about Prosperity Gospel

I was just quoted in the magazine Church & State for another article about Trump and the Prosperity Gospel. (See my contribution to the Washington Post here.) Here are the selections from the article from/about me:
To Bradley Koch, an associate professor of sociology at Georgia College and a scholar who has studied the Prosperity Gospel, seeing members of wealthy populations be attracted to such theology is unusual. Koch notes that the most likely adherents tend to be members of groups who are low income. This makes Trump – if he truly believes in this theology – something of an outlier.
“Trump is essentially the opposite of those identities,” Koch told Church & State. “As seems to be typical of him more broadly, Trump here is a bit of an enigma.”
...
According to Koch, around 5 percent of the U.S. population identify as members of a prosperity movement, while 66 percent of American Christians agree with prosperity-related teachings to some extent.
Of course, this was distilled from much more substantial input. Here are the answers I sent to several emailed questions:

  • Blacks are overwhelmingly more likely to associate with the Prosperity Gospel. For almost every measure of Prosperity adherence, race is the single-most important factor. The Prosperity Gospel, in particular the Prosperity-friendly messages within many Black Protestant churches, have offered a way to overcome the constraints that Blacks have historically encountered in their access to the usual means to upward mobility.
  • Those with lower levels of education are more likely to believe Prosperity teachings.
  • Others (Schieman and Jung 2012) have found that those with lower levels of income tend to be more likely to believe Prosperity teachings. This effect is small, though. Above all else, the Prosperity Gospel is a story of race and education.
  • Overall, the Prosperity Gospel is a very flexible theology that can be easily adapted to different social situations, particularly in a society like the United States that is radically individualistic.
  • Those with a Prosperity orientation tend to identify as Republican. Those with a Prosperity orientation tended to have voted for Bush in 2004. Prosperity adherents vote in about the same proportions as the rest of the population
  • About 5% of those in the US identify as members of a Prosperity movement. That’s somewhere over 16 million people—about three times the number of Jews (or Mormons) in the U.S.
  • Two-thirds (66%) of American Christians agree with at least some Prosperity related teachings.
  • There are multiple Gospels of Prosperity, and the Prosperity Gospel is transdenominational. There is no difference between Protestants, Catholics, and other Christians in their likelihood of Prosperity adherence.
  • My research really can’t speak to change over time or to international comparisons.
  • Given all that we know about the Prosperity Gospel, Trump is actually a bit of an outlier. The most likely adherents tend to be black and less educated (and to a lesser extent, poor). Trump is essentially the opposite of those identities. As seems to be typical of him more broadly, Trump here is a bit of an enigma.
  • I’m not comfortable making a direct prediction about Trump himself, but generally, the Prosperity Gospel is a way to make sense of the distribution of poverty and wealth in the world. Those who are poor are so because they lack the proper faith. Those who are rich are so because they recognized the promise that God had already made to them. One could imagine how this worldview could rationalize policy toward those at both extremes of socioeconomic status.
  • The roots of the Prosperity Gospel can be traced from the Great Awakenings to Evangelical Protestantism, through the Holiness Movement, on to Pentecostalism, through the itinerant Pentecostal preachers to the Charismatic (or neo-Pentecostal) Movement, and finally to the Faith Movement. The father of the Faith Movement, and thus the Prosperity Gospel, was Kenneth Hagin. A very strong case has been made that Hagin plagiarized much of his own work from E.W. Kenyon (McConnell 1988). Kenyon himself was a product of the New Thought movement of the late-1800s. You could say that all of the spiritual and philosophical ideas of the time were being influenced to some degree by industrialization and capitalism. The Prosperity Gospel makes a quite explicit religious justification for the inequality that is inherent to capitalism.


23 December 2015

Music: "Happy Birthday, Jesus (The Kids Are Dead)" - Brad Koch

This is an original Christmas punk rock protest song. (Fair warning: it is not uplifting, will not be many's cup of tea, and likely will offend some of you, but I sincerely hope that it is motivating). I started writing it nearly three years ago. I dedicate it to the memory of the dead at Sandy Hook Elementary--and Santa Monica College and Washington Navy Yard and Fort Hood and Isla Vista and Emanuel Church and Chattanooga and Umpqua and Colorado Springs and....
When I'm not professoring or parenting or husbanding, I do my best to keep up my musical chops. This is my latest effort.



Happy Birthday, Jesus (The Kids Are Dead)

Happy birthday, Jesus; the kids are dead ×4

What’s the deal with angry, white men
clinging to their guns as if they’re
artificial extensions of their dicks?

It’s like they’re crying to their mommies
“How are we to fight the commies,
defend against the blacks and browns with sharpened sticks?”

They’ve lost their status and their power
so come the holy, ordained hour
they’ll stand their ground and proudly take it back

They’re blind to privilege and to reason
As everyone sings, “‘Tis the season”
they’re loading up their magazines for the attack

But as the “good guys” prophesy the coming doom
that one’s going rogue inside a classroom

ch

They’ve memorized the Constitution
fomenting a revolution
taking back America from “them”

Inerrant and Divine-inspired
Amendment that should not be mired
Higher than the Savior born in Bethlehem

What’s the point in conversation
with soldiers for the liberation
of those who only look like them and theirs

They got their open-carry permit
Forgive me if I cry a moment
for the dismal state of domestic affairs

And as I sing this dirge of lament and of gloom
another child is shot dead in a classroom

ch
ch--

©2015 Quasiology Music (ASCAP)
All rights reserved.
Lyrics used by permission.
Unauthorized reproduction prohibited.

07 November 2014

The Imaginary Political Platform Exercise

The midterm elections have me imagining what my platform would be if I were running for national political office. I think the exercise is forcing me question some pretty foundational aspects of the current system. Here are 36 of those hypothetical planks:
  • Make voting compulsory.
  • Create a multi-day voting holiday.
  • Ease the absentee voting process.
  • Abolish voter ID requirements.
  • Replace First Past the Post voting with Single Transferable Voting.
  • Limit politicians solely to public campaign funds.
  • Establish that personhood does not extend to fetuses or corporations.
  • Expand the Veterans Health Administration/Medicare/Medicaid into a universal single-payer health care system for all citizens.
  • Tie the minimum wage to reliable measures of the living wage and inflation.
  • Expand the Social Security Retirement Benefits program to replace pensions and 401k's.
  • Establish federal funding for primary and secondary education.
  • Establish compulsory public education (i.e. eliminate charter and private schools).
  • Re-fund state colleges and universities.
  • Make birth control freely available to all people of reproductive age.
  • Make abortion both legal and available.
  • Establish compulsory, fully-paid, universal parental leave of equal time for both men and women for birth and adoption.
  • Require a compulsory minimum of 30 paid vacation days per year.
  • Consider reducing the workweek and workday.
  • Establish a carbon tax market.
  • Subsidize renewable power sources.
  • Build, operate, and subsidize public transportation (e.g. buses, light rail, and trains).
  • Make same-sex marriage legal.
  • Consider a policy of open borders.
  • Reduce military spending to about one-seventh of current levels. 
  • Outlaw assault weapons, and restrict handgun ownership.
  • End the War on Drugs.
  • Reduce the current incarceration rate to less than a tenth of current levels.
  • Increase restrictions on traditional corporations.
  • Encourage benefit corps and employee-owned business models.
  • Encourage labor union participation.
  • Replaced the tax code with a simple, progressive system.
  • Abolish gambling.
  • Protect religious freedom by enforcing a strict separation between church and state.
  • Increase spending on scientific research.
  • Increase spending on art and the humanities.
  • Decriminalize euthanasia.
As you can clearly see, I am utterly unelectable.

--
Addenda:
(2:54 PM):
  • Make higher education free.
  • Abolish gambling, including state-backed lotteries.
(11/10/2014 1:03 PM):
  • Establish free, universal childcare.
(6/6/2016):
  • Make paid eldercare leave universal.

17 June 2013

New Controversy with Religious License Plates

I've posted before about religion on license plates. A new license plate in Oklahoma has prompted a Methodist pastor to sue the state for violating his religious liberty. The image on the plate is a reference to a regionally-well-known Chiricahua myth about a warrior who shoots an arrow into the sky that had been blessed by a medicine man to end a drought. The plaintiff claims that he is being forced to promote a "pagan" religion.



There is a great irony in this suit, which makes it both a great test case and illuminating of the issue. If the case succeeds and the courts decide that this is an unreasonable infringement on an individual's religious expression, it will undoubtedly mean that people will challenge the other religious plates, including the "In God We Trust" plates. And here is what makes it illuminating. Theologically conservative religionists who are not Chiricahua have a point here; this is not their religion, and the state should not endorse it in this official capacity; however, it is theologically conservative Christians who support the Christian-themed plates and fail to see why it is offensive to those who do not share their religion. The separation of church and state is a compromise in which I promise not to ask the state to endorse my religion as long as you don't ask the state to endorse your religion. It's very pragmatic and, ultimately, self-interested. (See here for a previous post on that topic.)

I imagine that some will argue--including, likely, Oklahoma in this suit--that the image is primarily historic and not religious in nature in the same way that an image of the Pilgrims on a Massachusetts license plate would be primarily about early-American history and not an endorsement of Calvinist Congregationalism. However, the Chiricahua are an active tribe with many members who still practice the ancient animist religion. Ironically, to argue that the plate is a way to honor the history of Native Americans is to erase their present existence and to denigrate them today.

10 June 2013

Book Review: *Revelations* by Elaine Pagels


In Revelations:Visions, Prophecy, & Politics in the Book of Revelation, Elaine Pagels clearly lays out a historical argument about how a contested text made it into the New Testament at all and why it has remained simultaneously controversial and wildly popular up until the present. Below is a summary of her conclusions.

The author of Revelation, John of Patmos, was likely a Jewish refugee of Judea writing around 90 C.E. after Jerusalem was sacked by the Romans around 70 C.E. and was profoundly affected by the destruction of the Temple. According to Pagels,
What John did in the Book of Revelation...was create anti-Roman propaganda that drew its imagery from Israel's prophetic traditions... [emphasis in original] (16).
The book was a piece of wartime literature, a revenge fantasy, and a cry for justice. It is a work of theodicy and clearly claims that good will prevail over evil in the end. To avoid Roman retribution, John wrote cautiously and cryptically. The highly symbolic nature of the text proved important for its ultimate survival.

John* was neither an orthodox Christian nor a traditional Jew, a second generation follower of Jesus, a movement on the verge of becoming a religion proper. John wrote during a time of theological crisis among those adherents to the early movement over the delay in what Jesus insisted was the imminent coming of God's kingdom. Compounding this, there was also a political crisis after Caesar's assassination, resulting in an explosion in the imperial cult. At a time when the Roman Empire was desperately enforcing social cohesion, the fledgling Christian religion was decidedly anti-social in that it embraced the socially marginal (e.g. women, children, the poor, etc.), challenged traditional familial structure and power, and prohibited participation in the imperial cult, the public ritual affirmation of the Roman political system.

The social forces that pressed cultural accommodation by the early Christians helped to elevate Revelation. In the book, John argued for the centrality of prophetic (cf. charismatic) authority and was against those who argued for apostolic (cf. bureaucratic) authority, though John's version of authority would ultimately lose. For John, though, at this time, the evil in his revelation is not just Rome but also the heterodox and heretics, contemporary Christians, groups that likely included Paul of Tarsus and the growing ranks of gentile converts, all of whom he disagreed with.

Revelation only just squeaks into the Bible, though. After John's death, Irenaeus co-opts Revelation, using the book to insist on both right (or moral) action (i.e. works or deeds) and right belief (i.e. orthodox faith), "right belief" being support of apostolic (cf. bureaucratic) authority. The end of Christian persecutions (though these had always been rare, brief, and localized) came to an end in the fourth century in Rome, which created another crisis for readers of Revelation who expected all-out war and not patronage from the Roman state. The book could then be turned against anyone with whom the reader disagreed, notably in the fourth century independent monastic communities. Anthanasius, continuing Irenaeus' work to further the apostolic model of church authority, includes Revelation in the first authoritative list of permissible books for orthodox Christians (i.e. the canon), and while none of Anthanasius' contemporaries included Revelation on their lists, it is Anthanasius' canon that prevailed.

Pagels writes that
...John's apocalyptic visions helped create coherence among all who identified as Catholic [i.e. universal, or orthodox] Christians and to establish a common bulwark against all whom they saw as outsiders. Ever since, Christians have adapted his visions to changing times, reading their own social, political, and religious conflict into the cosmic war he so powerfully evokes (173),
and
Because John offers his Revelation in the language of dreams and nightmares, language that is "multivalent," countless people for thousands of years have been able to see their own conflicts, fears, and hopes reflected in his prophecies. ...[M]any readers have found reassurance in his conviction that there is meaning in history--even when he does not exactly what that meaning is--and that there is hope [emphasis in original] (34).

Pagels' analysis is quite sociological, and though she does not use this Weberian language herself, she essentially makes an argument that explains the institutionalization of Revelation through the struggles between charismatic and bureaucratic authorities in the early Church and its historical popular appeal through its promise of victory for the just and the malleability of its definition of evil. As a sociologist, I found Pagels treatment of gender, class, and more broadly, social marginality and their foundational roles in the social significance and endurance of Revelation wanting. This likely could be its own book-length treatment, however. The book, built on several previously published journal articles, would work well in undergraduate classes on the sociology of religion or religious history. Graduate students would likely benefit more from reading the original journal articles directly. Overall, this a great work that deserves a place in the sociology of religion.

--
* - Contrary to popular belief, the evidence is strongly against authorship by John the Apostle, presumed author of the Gospel of John, even though several of the early Church Fathers conflated the two men and their writings for strategic reasons.

20 May 2013

Reframing the Church/State Debate

SCotUS has agreed to hear a case involving the opening of public meetings (i.e. municipal legislatures) with prayer. I'm guessing that the decision will come down to some technical and arcane detail of law and will thus be a fairly narrow ruling, but it still gives a moment to consider an important social issue. I've written before on matters of church and state, but perhaps it's worth reminding ourselves about some basics. The initial historical impetus for a separation between religion and the state was decidedly self-interested. One of the first religious groups to tout a clear separation were ironically Baptists, who found themselves politically marginalized by their Anglican neighbors. It wasn't so much that early-American Baptists didn't want religion mixed up with politics; they just didn't want someone else's religion mixed up with politics, and so the bargain was, they decided, that the state had to be delivered from religion. Flash forward a few hundred years, and our collective amnesia about this part of our history and our short-sighted self-interest endangers the value in a social institution that many purport to champion. I am a person of faith, a Protestant Christian, and I value my religious freedom, and it is (in part) because of that--not despite it--that I am vociferous about my support of a very strict separation of church and state. (One certainly does not need to be religious, though, to be for religious freedom. Atheists, agnostics, as well as the growing ranks of the unaffiliated should be motivated for very similar reasons.) It may seem petty to squabble over seemingly insignificant things like the phrase "in God we trust" showing up on our currency and license plates or "under God" in our Pledge or a brief prayer to open a town council meeting, but the symbolic importance of those instances matters. Any intrusion of religion into government is dangerous, not so much to the government as it is to religion itself.

Incidentally, the "I feel left out" argument doesn't hold water for me. Unfortunately, this seems to be part of the case that SCotUS is taking up. It's easy to see (I hope) how Jews, Hindus, or Muslims who hear Jesus invoked in prayer or, short of that, hear an otherwise nonsectarian prayer constructed on the template of a Christian prayer would feel "othered." In the same way, however, that framing racially disparaging language as insensitive or offensive (i.e. it hurts feelings) is counterproductive, saying that one feels marginalized as a religious minority in a (culturally) Christian setting like an opening prayer detracts from the fact that such practices actually marginalize people in structural ways.

23 April 2013

Southerns 2013

I'll be heading over to the Annual Meeting of the Southern Sociological Society so posting will be limited this week. I will be presenting with my coauthors at 4:00 PM on Thursday in the Fairlie room. Here is our abstract:
The "War on Christmas": Teaching about Christian Privilege

Scholars have begun to recognize a “Christian privilege” (CP) in the vein of “white privilege,” which McIntosh (1988) famously described as being “like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, assurances, tools, maps, guides, codebooks, passports, visas, clothes, compass, emergency gear, and blank checks” (1-2). Blumenfeld (2006) defines CP as the:
…seemingly invisible, unearned, and largely unacknowledged array of benefits accorded to Christians. … This system of benefits confers dominance on Christians while subordinating members of other faith communities as well as non-believers. These systemic inequities are pervasive throughout the society. They are encoded into the individual’s consciousness and woven into the fabric of our social institutions, resulting in a stratified social order privileging dominant (“agent”) groups while restring and disempowering subordinate (“target”) groups… (195).
Several scholars (e.g. Schlosser 2003 and Goodman and Seifert 2010) have constructed lists of CP in line with McIntosh’s list of white privileges. Christians, irrespective to their specific religious practice or tradition, are indiscriminately privileged, just as even the most progressive of whites and men are advantaged by white and male privileges (Clark 2006). Christians can problematically ignore or deny their CP because they have never experienced the oppression that is levied against non-Christians (Schlosser 2003). Further entrenching CP is the supposed diversity of religion in the U.S., which tends to mask the hegemonic force exerted by Protestant Christianity; the assumption of pluralism in fact allows Protestant hegemony to marginalize religions that are not “normal” (Beaman 2003).

To teach this concept to students, we developed an in-class debate about the “War on Christmas” and holiday expressions (“happy holidays” vs. “Merry Christmas,” neutral winter displays vs. religious displays, etc.).

In the exercise, students are told they represent a community group meeting to decide if local businesses should be neutral on holiday greetings. They are divided up to represent different perspectives. The first group is instructed to argue the belief that “happy holidays” and neutral displays represent political correctness gone too far, and that these emphases focus too much on semantics. The second group is to argue that neutral greetings/displays represent inclusiveness of diverse religious backgrounds. Optionally, a third group can argue that the push for neutrality is “reverse discrimination” against Christians.

A debriefing discussion includes if a Christian offended by “happy holidays” is equivalent to a non-Christian offended by “Merry Christmas.” The instructor then addresses the concept of Christian privilege: the idea that “Merry Christmas” or other Christian displays may be intended as neutral is used to demonstrate the pervasiveness of Christianity and the privilege of being in a dominant group. Anonymous polls measure students’ own experiences with Christian privilege.

This exercise can be used in introductory classes or courses on religion, politics, or inequality, related to conversations about the separation of church and state, political correctness, pluralism, and privilege. As researchers in the South, we examine Christian privilege where Christianity is often the norm and taken for granted. Pending IRB-approval, we will implement this exercise in a range of introductory courses across our institutions.
Drop me a line if you'd like to meet up for a beer.

29 August 2012

The Unintended Consequences of Evolution Denial, Pt. 2

The classic folly in the Religion vs. Science conflict revolved around the notion of a heliocentric universe. You remember this old tale of Galileo being forced to recant his support for the scientific theory that placed the sun and not the earth at the center of the cosmos. It took them another 367 revolutions of the earth around the sun, but to its credit, the Catholic Church did formally apologize to poor old Galileo. The debate over Evolution is is just as dicey, and I see see two possible reactions to the evidence surrounding the theory:
  1. We trust what we pull from the ground and what we analyze in the information stored in DNA.
  2. We see all of this data as an elaborate ruse set up by God to test our trust in him despite our God-given capacities for sensing the world around us and synthesizing logical conclusions based on those observations.
Some may argue that there is a third possibility that I fail to note above, that there is an alternative interpretation of the existing data. This is not correct. The only, I repeat, only logical conclusion given the existing data is evolutionary theory more or less as it exists in its current state. Certainly, there are details over which to bicker, but the foundation is inevitable. The Flinstones did not ride dinosaurs to work. Inevitably and eventually, one must decide between science or a woefully deceitful deity.

Contrary to what we are often told or might assume, though, possibility 1 above does not preclude religious faith. It is the standard teaching of most mainline Christian denominations and of the Catholic Church. Science and religion can in fact coexist in harmony. A serious question comes directly from possibility 2 above, however. If that is the reality, that God has intentionally deceived us by planting misleading evidence on the earth and by programming us to come to inevitable conclusions based on that evidence, many are forced to ask whether such a god is worthy of our veneration, and many would answer that such a god is indeed not worthy. (But, since any definition of a beneficent god would require that God do only good, then God would be incapable of possibility 2, but I digress.) And, this is the risk: when religions take hardline stances in the face of overwhelming and contradictory evidence, they endanger not only people's ability to adhere to their particular brand of religion but to religion as a category; they erode the plausibility structure on which religious belief is built. It may seem like throwing the baby out with the bathwater, but this is the wages of such orthodoxy.

03 July 2012

Taking License with Their Plates


Slate has a cool slideshow of specialty license plates from around the U.S. I've included several of the religiously-themed plates below. First, though, one from my own past.

In 2007, when I was in grad school, living in Indianapolis, Indiana started offering the plate below, not as a specialty plate, but as a standard plate. (To be sure, it is not the only standard plate. The other option for cars is here.)



This is one from South Carolina.



Here is one from Texas.



This proposal from Florida didn't make the cut.



Here is a playful rebuttal to the proposed plate above from Pagans in Florida.



I find these fascinating. Where is the line between church and state? Evidently, it falls somewhere beyond the tailgate of the American automobile.

--
h/t  Religion News Service

13 September 2010

Random Thoughts on the Subcultural Identity of Evangelcials

Can 26% of the population (an unchallenged plurality) be embattled in any real sense or are such feelings rooted in self-benefiting delusion?

I got an idea on how to test this listening to Jim Martin, a former Georgia legislator, speak earlier this week as part of our campus Constitution Week celebration. He noted that late-18th century Baptists were vocal proponents of the Bill of Rights because they feared that the Church of England would be adopted by the fledgling United States as its official religion. Today, as Evangelicals, (Southern) Baptists are often proponents for the (re)insertion of religion into the political process. Could church-state opinions serve as a proxy for perceptions of cultural embattledness? In other words, does feeling that one's religious beliefs are in contention with mainstream culture predict believing in a limited or nonexistent separation between church and state?

Is there an ironic, inverse relationship between opinions about the role of religion in politics and an actual challenge to one's religion? Since Southern Baptists today (as Evangelicals) are relatively powerful, does this explain their abandonment of the Second Amendment?

21 January 2009

Rick Warren and Sectarianism

Traditionally, prayers offered by clergy at government-sponsored events have been decidedly non-sectarian, in that, if they invoke the name of “God” at all, it is the abstract, nebulous God of civil religion and not the God of a specific creed with which other religions might object. Rick Warren, the sometimes-controversial pastor of Saddleback Church, did not extend this courtesy in his invocation at the Inauguration of the 44th President. Then-president-elect Obama invited Warren in this capacity as a gesture to the kind of inclusiveness he desired for his administration and the country as a whole. By most accounts, Mr. Obama does not share Warren’s theology or politics. In spite of this—indeed, because of this—Mr. Obama invited Warren to give the invocation. Warren, however, chose to ignore the spirit of this invitation by invoking the Christian God by name—four names, in fact—and then reciting the Lord’s Prayer, a prayer that not even all Christians agree on. Democracy is not the uncompromising rule of the majority; it is the rule of the majority with respect for the minority. Even though the majority of Americans are Christian (nearly 80% according to the Pew Forum on Religion), we are not and never will be a Christian nation. Our Constitution demands both that the government let people freely choose their religious affiliation and that the people refrain from asking the government to establish a state religion. If we can ever truly hope to achieve the kinds of dialogue that President Obama promises will make our world a better place, we need to start taking these ideas of tolerance and respect more seriously. Shame on Pastor Warren.